英文参考文献：高校教师职业负荷对健康的影响

［3］［36］Jerrim, J., Sims, S., Taylor, H., & Allen, R. (2021). Has the mental health and wellbeing of teachers in England changed over time? New evidence from three datasets. Oxford Review of Education, 1—21.

Our conclusion is therefore that the mental health and personal wellbeing of teachers in England has remained broadly stable over the last 20 years, though this group may be more likely to report such problems now than previously.
The teaching profession in England is currently in the midst of a crisis. Although the number of school-aged children is rising year-upon-year (Department for Education, 2019), the number of teachers available to educate these pupils is struggling to maintain pace (Department for Education, 2018). On the one hand, it is becoming increasingly difficult to encourage Appropriately qualified and skilled young people to enter the teaching profession (Foster, 2019). On the other, retention of newly qualified teachers in England is low, with a third of new recruits leaving the job within the first five years (Foster, 2019).
One potential reason why England is struggling to recruit and retain enough teachers is due to the pressures of the job (Perryman & Calvert, 2019). Teaching demands long working hours, particularly during term-time (Allen et al., 2020), with teachers in England spending more time on lesson planning, marking and administration than teachers in most other countries across the world (Jerrim & Sims, 2019).
who suggested that professional workers in many other occupations have higher levels of job satisfaction than teachers
who found teachers to be tenser and more worried about their job than those employed in other occupations.
This is the gap in the literature that this paper attempts to fill
n this paper, we are most interested in those who selected ‘stress, depression or anxiety’. We again intend to examine trends for teachers over time in response to these questions, and how this compares to the trend for other occupational groups
All interviews with respondents are either conducted face-to-face (computer sisted personal interviews) or over the telephone (computer assisted telephone interviews
the late 1990s and early 2000s, very few teachers in England reported having a lasting issue with their mental health (≈1%). This then started to gently rise in the late 2000s and early 2010s to around 2%. The trend has then noticeably picked up over the last five years, from around 2% in 2013 to around 5% in 2018.
In particular, up until 2010, male and female teachers were equally likely to report a long-lasting mental health problem (around two per cent a year).
older teachers are more likely to report a long-lasting health problem than younger teachers
Again, we also find that the trend over time for teachers is similar to the trend observed for other professional workers (see Appendix B).
Teaching is widely regarded as a stressful profession (Johnson et al., 2005).
Yet teachers in England are currently leaving the profession at a record pace, with one in three choosing to quit for another job within five years of their initial teacher training (Foster, 2019). Although there are likely to be many factors driving this issue – such as pay – increasing workloads, pressure from accountability systems and the resultant stress may play a role. Indeed, job satisfaction amongst the teaching profession in England is low by international standards and has declined rapidly over the last five years (Jerrim & Sims, 2019)
In our view, the most pressing issue is for the Department for Education to make a commitment to monitor the mental health and wellbeing of the teaching profession – similar to the commitment it has made to monitoring teachers’ workloads over time.

［7］Deem, R. (2017). New managerialism in higher education. Dordrecht: Springer.
‘New Managerialism’ and Higher Education
The term ‘new managerialism’ is generally used to refer to the adoption by public sector organisations of organisational forms, technologies,management practices and values more commonly found in the private business sector
Those who run universities are expected to ensure that such value is provided andtheir role as academic leaders is being subsumed by a greater concern with the overt management of sites, finance, staff, students, teaching and research
At the same time, the emphasis on competition between universities for students, research income and academic research ‘stars’, has also served to stress the extent to which higher education can be described as operating under quasi-market conditions (Le Grand & Bartlett, 1993).
The pressure comes both from outside and inside their institutions
‘New managerialism’ represents a way of trying to understand and categorise attempts to impose managerial techniques, more usually associated with medium and large ‘for profit’ businesses, onto public sector and voluntary organisations (Reed & Anthony, 1993
by ‘new managerialist’ theorists include the use of internal cost centres, the fostering of competition between employees, the marketisation of public sector services and the monitoring of efficiency and effectiveness through measurement of outcomes and individual staff performances.
Thus senior management teams and quality managers may exist side by side with more traditional forms of university administration such as semi-autonomous departments and peer review processes (as in the refereeing of research bids).
The content of women’s work as academics may differ from that undertaken by their male peers
Some male colleagues who do not take on such extra responsibilities may well resist them because of the perceived erosion of academic autonomy in research and teaching compared with the past, a time when few women academics were employed in universities
‘Hard managerialism’, on the other hand involves the imposition of discourses and techniques of reward and punishment on those employees who are considered by those managerial positions to be fundamentally untrustworthy and thus incapable of self-reform or change
teaching and administrative systems, have both added to academics and administrators’ workloads and increased the overt regulation of academics’performances and academic labour processes. The audit culture has also made the activities of higher education institutions much more publicly visible and hence more likely to be criticised.
It has been noted that definitions of ‘new managerialism’ are themselves rather complex and have multiple origin
Two examples have served to illustrate some of the ways in which researchers might try to examine the existence of, resistance to, masking of and the incipient development of, ‘new managerialism’ discourses and regimes, though it will be the task of our new research project to conduct this exercise much more systematically. First, it has been suggested that ‘new managerialism’ as a form of management and organisational practices,narratives, forms and values, is infused with notions of masculinities.
‘New managerialism’ and ‘hard’ management are undoubtedly Appealing to managers of universities looking to deal with severe resource problems, which are affecting the whole of the higher education sector in the United Kingdom to a greater or lesser degree. P

［8］Mittelman, J. H. (2004). Whither globalization?: The vortex of knowledge and ideology. London/New York: Routledge.
［18］Berg, L. D., Huijbens, E. H., & Larsen, H. G. (2016). Producing anxiety in the neoliberal university. The Canadian Geographer/le géographe canadien, 60(2), 168—180.

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The paper focuses on neoliberalization as it is instantiated through audit and ranking systems designed to produce academia as a space of economic efficiency and intensifying competition. We suggest that powerful forms of competition and ranking of academic performance have been developed in Northern Europe
We argue that neoliberalism in the academy is part of a wider system of anxiety production arising as part of the so-called ‘soft governance’ of everything, including life itself, in contemporary late liberalism
This is not surprising given existing levels of work-related psychological stress in the academy.
We do, however, suggest that the present neoliberalizing academy can be directly linked to significant increases in anxiety and specific kinds of mental health problems

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this is to say that knowledge is not seen as something useful in its own right, but as a means of exchange for something else
This is necessarily so because systems of competition rely on unequal outcomes (otherwise competition would Appear to be pointless).
Under neoliberalism, it is now very clear who the losers are: they are the ones who never get tenured or permanent jobs, they are the ones who get fired for lack of ‘productivity’ in a system of constant surveillance and measurement of academic ‘production’, and if they are fortunate enough to avoid precarity, then they are the ones whose salaries stagnate (or drop) in real terms over time.
First, like all other forms of capital, human capitals are constrained by ‘markets’.
• Improvement of research quality based on an external peer review, including scientific and societal relevance of research, research policy and research management.
• Accountability to the board of the research organisation, and towards funding agencies, government and society at large (Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, 2009: 4)
The protocol is not limited to assessment of research itself, but also assesses the wider context and implications of university research: “research management, research policy, research facilities, PhD-training and the societal relevance of research are considered integral parts of the quality of work in an institute and its programmes” (RoyalNetherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, 2009: 4).The reviews involve a ‘selfevaluation’ and an external review, including a site visit once every six years, and an internal mid-term review in between the six-yearly external reviews

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t“Professors are really like small business owners”.

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［19］Willie, R., & Stecklein, J. E. (1982). A three-decade comparison of college faculty characteristics, satisfactions, activities, and attitudes. Research in Higher Education, 16(1), 81—93.
Most questions were phrased in closed form and asked respondents to select from a list of phrases one or more which described them or their position so An Other category was included with some of these questions to accommodate unexpected responses.
The questionnaire was again slightly revised in 1980 and expanded to six pages
1. The professoriate has remained relatively unchanged during the two and orte-half decades covered by the three surveys.
2. The educational level of those teaching in Minnesota colleges has risen sharply during the years of the study despite conditions which might have prevented such a rise.
3. Teaching and activities related to reaching occupy the major portion of faculty members’ time.
3. Teaching and activities related to reaching occupy the major portion of faculty members’ time.
4. Most Minnesota college teachers find their careers satisfying.
5. Most Minnesota college teachers would make the same career selection again if given the opportunity.

［20］Jacobs, P. A., Tytherleigh, M. Y., Webb, C., & Cooper, C. L. (2007). Predictors of work performance among higher education employees: An examination using the ASSET Model of Stress. International Journal of Stress Management, 14(2), 199—210.
to examine the relationship between stress levels,organizational commitment, health, and performance.
They found that work-related measures of stress were significantly and negatively linearly related to objective university-based performance measures such as funding cuts, staff-student ratios, and investment income
Research outside of a higher education context suggests that the connection between stress and performance is not clear.
A third model, the inverted U, suggests that some stress is necessary,but that below and above an optimal level it has a detrimental impact on performance
These findings suggest a complex relationship between stress and productivity influenced by the way stress is conceptualized and measured, the way in which individual productivity and organizational performance are measured, category of employee, health and well-being of staff, and organizational commitment

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This suggests that some aspects of work stress, such as access to resources and good communication, good work relationships, and satisfaction with pay and benefits, may play a more pivotal role in the stress-performance relationship when performance is measured by self evaluation. Where significant relationships exist they support the notion of a negative linear relationship between stress levels and productivity.

［21］Winefield, A. H., Gillespie, N., Stough, C., Dua, J., Hapuarachchi, J., & Boyd, C. (2003). Occupational stress in Australian university staff: Results from a national survey. International Journal of Stress Management, 10(1), 51—63.
The authors report data on psychological strain and job satisfaction from nearly 9,000 respondents at 17 universities.
There is growing evidence that universities no longer provide the low stress working environments that they once did.
All of these studies have found that academic stress has become a cause for concern as a result of increased work pressures and reduced support.
Critics of tenure have pointed out that it protects the lazy, incompetent, and unproductive and denies opportunities to talented young scholars
Several studies of academic stress have found that women report higher stress levels than men (Blix et al., 1994; Boyd & Wylie, 1994;Gmelch et al., 1986; Sharpley, 1994), although others, like us (see Table 1),found no difference between men and women (Abouserie, 1996; Richard &Krieshok, 1989; Winefield & Jarrett, 2001).
Psychological distress was higher in academic than in general staff. In addition, academics working in old universities were better off than those working in newer universities, although for general staff the difference seemed to depend more on the newer versus the older universities (see Figure 1)
An additional job demand that has been increasing in recent years has been the expectation that academics should attract external funding through research grants or research consultancies
Our conclusions, based on the interviews, were that (a) both general and academic staff were experiencing more stress than they were 5 years ago;(b) academic staff were experiencing greater stress than general staff (supported by the current results); and (c) five major antecedents of stress were insufficient funding and resources, work overload, poor management practice, job insecurity, and insufficient recognition and reward.

［23］［27］Anderson, R. E. (2008). Implications of the information and knowledge society for education. In International handbook of information technology in primary and secondary education (pp. 5—22). Springer, Boston, MA.
The Knowledge Society
Ironically, the information society concept was undermined by the emergence of a new metaphor in the 1990s, the “knowledge society.” While the information society metaphor was associated with an “explosion” of information and information systems, the knowledge society metaphor primarily referred to economic systems where ideas or knowledge functioned as commodities. Many, if not most, people could not differentiate the two concepts because they tended to largely equate information and knowledge (Allee, 1997)

Tacit knowledge includes judgment, experience, insights, rules of thumb, and intuition and its retrieval depends upon motivation, attitudes, values, and the social context (cf. Polanyi, 1996; Tiwana, 2002).
Thus, a knowledge society necessarily presumes an information society, but not the other way around.
Loosely speaking, any educational system is a knowledge society, and that would include schools and classrooms. However, unless the educational unit devotes Loosely speaking, any educational system is a knowledge society, and that would include schools and classrooms. However, unless the educational unit devotes

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As noted already, ICT stands for information and communication technology and refers in principle to all technologies used for processing information and communicating

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［24］Kristensen, T. S., Bjorner, J. B., Christensen, K. B., & Borg, V. (2004). The distinction between work pace and working hours in the measurement of quantitative demands at work. Work & stress, 18(4), 305—322.
All theories or models seem to focus on the balance*/or lack of balance*/between demands at work and something else, be it personal resources, decision latitude, social support, coping strategies, or rewards
In the present paper we will focus on the concept of quantitative demands and we will base our discussion of validity and measurement on an analysis of differential item functioning (DIF)in a newly-developed scale on quantitative demands at work
In spite of the fact that the job strain model has been the dominating model in occupational health psychology for about 25 years, the basic question about a clear definition remains unanswered
The basic definition of validity is that we measure what we want to measure. This immediately makes it clear that it is meaningless to discuss the validity of a scale if it is unclear what the scale is intended to measure
Quantitative job demands are directly related to the amount of work to be done, and the basic source of stress is the possible mismatch between the amount of work and the time available to do it.
In this section of the paper we will first discuss a couple of general issues related to the concept and measurement of demands at work. Then we will discuss the results of our own analyses and continue with an attempt to develop a model for quantitative demands at work. On the basis of our theoretical and methodological considerations we will then make a number of recommendations regarding the measurement of demands in future studies.

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In this paper we have been discussing one of the main dimensions of modern research on psychosocial working conditions: quantitative job demands. This dimension has been in focus for at least 50 years of research and it is our belief that job conditions in the global economy will be characterized by increasing quantitative job demands for many years to come. Hence, the issue of quantitative job demands is important and relevant.One of our main conclusions is that (quantitative) job demands have been poorly conceptualized, defined and measured in the literature so far. In most cases researchers have used demand scales with poor quality and unknown validity. Most researchers have been satisfied with using the same scales as others have used. Very few have taken a close look at the very items of the scales employed

［26］Van Rossem, R. (2019). The times of the faculty: Variations in the length of the workweek of faculty at flemish universities. Higher Education Studies, 9(1), 9—21.

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This paper presents information from a large survey among senior academic staff on the number of hours faculty members of the Flemish universities report to work and what factors affect the time use of faculty.The international literature shows that faculty members tend to work long hours. The job is demanding both in terms of the time and of the energy and commitment it requires (Jacobs & Winslow, 2004). The number of hours worked varies substantially across countries (Bentley & Kyvik, 2012; Enders & Teichler, 1997) .
Compared to only a few decades ago, professors today face increasing workloads and monitoring
Other factors include legal regulations concerning working hours, career considerations and evaluation criteria, competing demands from various sources, and informal norms among the faculty regarding acceptable working times.
The demands on faculty members also vary with their rank. The underlying idea is that faculty members are in competition with each other and tend to work long hours to position themselves for future career moves, i.e., to get tenure or promotion. In many countries junior faculty members need to bring together a competitive portfolio to obtain tenure which requires them to work many hours not only on research, but also preparing new courses.Once tenure is achieved this pressure lessens although competitive pressures for promotion and positive evaluations remain. In the Flemish context such competitive pressures tend to be minimal.
Women on the average tend to work 2.5 hours a week less than their male colleagues, but this difference is explained away by the under representation of women in the higher ranks and their over representation among postdocs
This study confirms that, like in other countries, senior researchers at Flemish universities work long hours. The average reported work week was over 50 hours, well above the standard workweek of 38 hours.
The total working time and the time spent on the other activities were also associated with the participant‘s seniority and age, but both of these factors, of course, strongly correlate with faculty rank
Our findings further confirm a trade-off between the time spent on various activities
One‘s time allocation is a function of the demands one experiences, demands that are both normative,organizational and practical in nature, and stem from various sources
The relationship between stress and well-being at work has received ample attention in the literature (e.g.,Karasek et al., 1998; Karasek & Theorell, 1990; Karasek, 1979)
This study also has its limitations. The time use information is based on self-report and it was left to the participants to decide what they considered an average week and what constituted the various categories of activities
Until recently Flemish universities did lack HR policies for their senior academic staff

［28］Schneider, S. (2019, January). Results of the 2018 FDP faculty workload survey: Input for optimizing time on active research. In Talk presented at: Federal Demonstration Partnership National Meeting.

［29］Lyons, M., & Ingersoll, L. (2010). Regulated autonomy or autonomous regulation? Collective bargaining and academic workloads in Australian universities. Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management, 32(2), 137—148.
Our findings challenge a common belief that workload clauses in university collective agreements are regulating academics’ autonomy as they are largely unregulated and hence left to the domain of managerial prerogative. We suggest that this situation serves the needs of university managers, but not necessarily the needs of students, staff and policy makers.
The Report, therefore, proposes a range of measures to enhance the relative attractiveness of working conditions and lowering student–staff ratios to help achieve greater staff satisfaction and reduced stress (Commonwealth of Australia, 2008b, p. 25).
In order to better understand why this phenomenon exists, we analysed the relevant clauses of collective agreements from 10 Australian universities, and find that academic workload allocation is largely unregulated by the agreements, and consequently falls within the realm of ‘management prerogative’.
The first section briefly discusses research regarding issues connected with academic workloads. The second section analyses the workload ‘regulation’clauses of collective bargaining agreements in a representative sample of mainland Australian universities, and the third section assesses the extent to which workload allocation is relegated to managerial prerogative by using the reasoning of Justice Ryan in the VU case. O
Hence, increased teaching workloads can impact negatively on staff organisational commitment and reduces the opportunities for new and junior staff to become or remain ‘research active’ (Winter & Sarros, 2002, pp. 248, 254)
University management in Australia has expressed the view that regulated limits on staff working hours are inAppropriate for higher education, as it is asserted it would reflect poorly on the commitment and professionalism of academic staff: ‘If you are a professional,you work hard’ (Healy, 1998).

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Overall, all the agreements provide workload disputes will, in the first instance,attempt to be resolved at the relevant academic unit level. Some of the agreements are,however, explicit in limiting managerial discretion
In summary, in only three agreements (Sydney, Macquarie and ECU) is it Apparent that the parties to the agreement intended to limit the exercise of managerial prerogative in determining disputes regarding academic workloads, as the more obvious interpretation of the agreements allows for external review and resolution of workload disputes. Four agreements are somewhat ambiguous (UNE, Swinburne, UNISA and UTS), largely due to imprecise wording of the relevant clauses or due to the failure to make express reference to a process providing for external review and resolution of workload disputes. Two agreements (JCU and Melbourne) have clauses that, if read in isolation rather than in the context of the entire agreement, could suggest external review and resolution of workload disputes is denied, and hence managerial prerogative prevails. In contrast, the Canberra agreement is clear that management, and management alone, decide issues concerning academic workloads.
we endorse the argument of Hull (2006, p. 50) that academic staff have two choices: either accept that management has the total discretion to allocate workloads; or acknowledge some form of substantive regulation of workloads via collective bargaining agreements is necessary, and perhaps be willing to take industrial action to achieve it.

［33］Barnett, R. (2008). Being an academic in a time-impoverished age. In From governance to identity (pp. 7—17). Springer, Dordrecht.
In these quotations, we see the theme of time emerging as a powerful framing of the felt experience of academics. But, with time, we also see themes of life, manipulation, resources and the use of time itself
Living amid multiple and even competing time frames is not particular to the academic life.
Associated with these differing rhythms are differing time units: different forms of academic work consume differing amounts of time. Writing a book simply takes longer than answering a single email.
These two facets of the academic’s time are themselves different, moving in separate planes. There is a link, but it is not straightforward.
Here, surely, in this academic time, is a domain of potential dislocation at the personal level.
The preferences for short and fast time are not hAppenstance. They result from a combination of forces that include a heightened competition between institutions and researchers. In turn, this heightened competition is encouraged.
Academic time comes in shades, of light and dark. It has its shadows at times too. Literally so (this passage of this chapter being drafted as dusk falls gradually outside my office on a Friday evening).
Academic time is not yet all under surveillance.
Academic time is now a commodity to be managed so as to extract the maximum use value from it. It is time that can be measured; and time that can be quantified.
These are forms of invisible time; of ignored time. But still these spaces continue to exist, even if in the shadows.
Academic time is coming to be performative time; literally so. Academic time is time in which a series of performances is visible
It may be, however, that light and dark intermingle in new academic time. What seems dark may have shafts of light in it; what seems light and iridescent may harbour dark time. A university may set up a system of ‘peer observation’ of teaching

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We return to our starting point, with its quotations from one of Mary Henkel’s key texts. The academics who were quoted felt that their time had diminished, diminished in its quantity but also its quality.
Academic time had come to distort their very being

［34］Koeske, G. F., & Koeske, R. D. (1989). Work load and burnout: Can social support and perceived accomplishment help? Social Work, 34(3), 243—248.
Conceptual and empirical work on burnout among professional helpers generally has assumed that excessive work load contributes to burnout (Jackson, Schwab, & Schuler, 1986; Maslach,
The expectation that excessive work load acts as a probable antecedent of burnout seems obvious but has proven difficult to substantiate. Also, caseload and work load are not always interchangeable
Although Maslach and Jackson (1981) reported that caseload size was related significantly to burnout, as measured by the Maslach Burnout Inventory (MBI), this finding has received little corroboration since
Caseload size is not a simple and straightforward variable, particularly in relation to burnout.
The absence of reliable correlations between work load and burnout may not result solely from inadequate definition and measurement of work load
As defined in this article, work load is an environmental stimulus condition that can be measured with objective indicators of demand. Work stress refers to concrete events perceived as troubling, hassling, and unpleasant that are reported to have occurred in the workplace. The level of work stress experienced is a function of the number and intensity of such troubling events. Burnout, or emotional exhaustion, is a negative affective response by the social worker to work stress-a sense of depletion and deep fatigue. All three concepts were defined and measured to relate specifically to work settings involving intense personal involvement and contact with clients.

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The data showed that, under certain conditions, demanding work loads were associated with worker burnout. The most critical condition was low social support, particularly low coworker support. A secondary condition was a perception of being ineffective with clients, which may impair only social workers who offer short-term crisis interventions. The data suggest that building a socially supportive work environment may forestall social worker burnout in social service settings. Such interventions may be important for providing emotional relief and reducing social worker turnover
The demonstration that work stress mediates the impact of work demands on a vulnerable social worker’s risk of burnout is important for a more encompassing theory of burnout. Most previous research, even that with a hypothesis-testing focus, has evaluated simple bivariate predictions
of work load demonstrated in the data. Overall, demanding work loads Apparently are not associated with negative consequences may be deceptive
Burnout can be redefined as emotional exhaustion or strain that results from client involvement

［35］Schuster, M., & Rhodes, S. (1985). The impact of overtime work on industrial accident rates. Industrial Relations: A Journal of Economy and Society, 24(2), 234—246.
It is theorized that overtime work leads to fatigue, which, in turn, increases the propensity for accidents
Historically, efforts to promote a safer and healthier work environment have relied on the strategy of assessing firms for the costs of accidents through workers’ compensation, and/or promulgating and enforcing health and safety standards under the 1970 Occupational Safety and Health Act (OSHA)
Furthermore, it is assumed that an employer’s motive in providing a safe environment is solely economic. However, while economic considerations are relevant, other factors, including characteristics of the worker and the work environment, also play important contributory roles in accident causation.

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In view of these problems, it is too early to assess the social costs of accidents associated with overtime work. It should be pointed out, however, that if accidents can be reduced through restricting overtime, the employer may benefit more than the employee. The latter may lose the opportunity to earn additional pay by choosing overtime work, a choice that the employee may have been willing to make, despite the added risk of injury (Ehrenberg and Smith, 1982).

［39］Selye, H. (1950). Stress and the general adaptation syndrome. British Medical Journal, 1(4667), 1383—1392.
［43］Bellingrath, S., Weigl, T., & Kudielka, B. M. (2009). Chronic work stress and exhaustion is associated with higher allostastic load in female school teachers: Original research report. Stress, 12(1), 37—48.
［44］Bogaert, I., De Martelaer, K., Deforche, B., Clarys, P., & Zinzen, E. (2014). Associations between different types of physical activity and teachers‘ perceived mental, physical, and work-related health. BMC Public Health, 14(1), 1—9.
Epidemiological studies have shown that chronic work stress or un favourable psychosocial work conditions are prospectively associated with different adverse health outcomes.
An increasing number of epidemiological studies report a prospective association between unfavourable psychosocial work conditions (e.g. in terms of high job demands and low job control or effort-rewardimbalance (ERI)) and different adverse health outcomes (Bosma et al. 1998; Hemingway and Marmot1999; Kuper et al. 2002; Siegrist 2004; Rozanski et al.2005). Exhaustion, the core dimension of the burnoutsyndrome, has also been shown to predict poor health(Falger and Schouten 1992; Appels et al. 1993;Kop et al. 1994; Kop 1999, 2003; Gidron et al. 2002;Koertge et al. 2002; Melamed et al. 2006b)
In sum, the aim of the present cross-sectional study was to investigate the association between chronic work stress, reflected in ERI and exhaustion, and acumulative measure of AL. As a high AL is assumed to be a possible biological mechanism explaining how the costs of chronic work stress can lead to health impairments, we hypothesized that AL is higher in teachers with high chronic work-related stress in terms of ERI or suffering from exhaustion.
We assessed work-related stress in terms of ERI and the extent of exhaustion (VE and MBI-EE) in 104 female school teachers since especially the teaching profession is characterized by potentially high stressful psychosocial workplace characteristics (Guglielmi andTatrow 1998).
Overall, our findings showed that slightly but significantly higher AL scores can be found in female school teachers with high levels of ERI and exhaustion, reflecting subtle dysregulati on across multiple stress-sensitive systems.
An important limitation of the present study is its still relatively small sample size, especially incomparison to the large cohort studies which first gave insight into the predictive value of the AL model measuring latent risk for poor health outcomes in the absence of disease manifestation (Seeman et al.1997b; Karlamangla et al. 2002). Furthermore,investigating only women limits the generalization of our results
Furthermore, the cross-sectional nature of our data does not permit any inferences about temporal ordering and complex interactions between symptoms of work stress, exhaustion and physiological outcome parameters, reflected in the AL composite

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